A student in a red T-shirt covered with anti-racism slogans rose and strode toward the Klansman-turned-politician, shouting insults that were lost in a cacophony of competing cheers and boos as he was hustled away by security officers.
The rest of the debate between Duke and a black activist over a ballot proposition that would curtail affirmative action in California was peaceful enough - inside the hall. Outside, however, dozens of protesters bent on disruption chanted, pounded on windows and skirmished with police. By day's end, the detritus of battle - hurled rocks and bottles, torn placards and the lingering odor of tear gas - clung to the normally placid campus of California State University, Northridge, like beach debris after a storm.
But if Duke's appearance last month generated predictably fierce emotions, political observers have been surprised by how quiet and relatively passionless the broader campaign over the ballot initiative has been - and how little of it has spilled over into the presidential contest in this vast, vote-rich state.
When the affirmative-action proposition first surfaced last year, most observers identified it as a potential wedge that could be driven deep into the Democratic base. The initiative, they reasoned, would force President Clinton into a no-win choice of alienating either his core constituency of minorities or white swing voters, both of whom are essential to his prospects for carrying California and its 54 electoral votes.
Backers of the proposal, such as Gov. Pete Wilson, who made it the centerpiece of his own abortive presidential campaign, touted it as the latest in a long line of California ballot initiatives to touch off a national trend. Opponents of affirmative action in several other states readied similar propositions, raising the prospect that the issue would resonate across the country in the midst of the presidential campaign.
But things haven't worked out that way. The initiative, known as Proposition 209, remains popular and headed for apparent victory, according to several recent polls -but so does Clinton, despite his opposition to it. Republican nominee Bob Dole endorsed 209 but rarely mentions it; running mate Jack Kemp dropped his opposition to it to match Dole's stance, but said recently that it would not be a major campaign focus because of its divisive nature.
That has angered some California Republicans, who argue that Dole and Kemp are blowing a golden opportunity. "It's unfortunate that they've made a decision to stay away from the issue," said Dan Schnur, a former political adviser to Wilson. "It's not an issue that will elect a president by itself. ... But as part of a broader message, it's a very effective way to draw the distinctions between the two candidates."
Dole's California campaign manager, Ken Khachigian, dismisses such criticism as "second-guessing." He calls affirmative action an important issue, but added: "It never was or was thought to be the crown jewel. ... I've never viewed it as a wedge issue."
Democrats assert that the Dole campaign's decision is based on reality. "It just hasn't panned out as the great political wedge Wilson planned it to be," said Los Angeles political consultant Bill Carrick, an adviser to the Clinton campaign. "On the other hand, there is a lot of energy among the opponents. So it may energize people who are part of the Democratic base. He (Wilson) may turn out to be have been too smart by half."
In a further indication that Democrats see no danger from the initiative, senior White House aide George Stephanopoulos has agreed to appear at a fund-raising event for the anti-209 campaign this week. Khachigian, however, calls that "a major political mistake" that would highlight Clinton's opposition to 209.
More neutral observers say it's no great mystery why the issue hasn't caught fire. "It doesn't touch people's daily lives that much," said Mark DiCamillo, director of the Field Poll, which has been tracking California political trends for half a century. "Voters are not getting up in the morning worrying about affirmative action. They're worried about the economy and educating their kids."
Nationally the issue has fizzled. Drives to place anti-affirmative-action initiatives on the ballot in several other states fell short, and legislation - co-sponsored by Dole - to roll back most federal affirmative-action programs was quietly shelved by congressional leaders.
But despite the lower profile, both sides say there is still a lot riding on the outcome of 209, which would outlaw all race- and gender-based affirmative-action programs in the public sector. Government programs that base preferences on other criteria, such as income level, or programs in the private sector, would be exempt.
With both sides running low-key, lightly funded campaigns, the event that focused the most intense public attention on the initiative was the Sept. 25 debate between Duke and local civil rights activist Joe Hicks, who were invited to speak by the college's student government.
In the end the clashes between protesters and police, which were widely covered by local television and newspapers, may have neutralized the political fallout by casting 209's opponents in an unflattering light.
But Duke, who has shed his Ku Klux Klan affiliation to become a largely unsuccessful Republican office-seeker, reveled in the sudden attention and taunted other 209 backers as wimpy hypocrites.
"Pete Wilson says I shouldn't be speaking out," Duke said. "He reminds me of the town harlot who suddenly discovered religion. Mr. Wilson and the Republican establishment won't use the term `white power.' They won't even use the word `white.' ... I want to protect my heritage. I don't want my children to be strangers in their own land."